Exhale: The Supreme Court turns down a chance to narrow or kill Times v. Sullivan

Wynn’s Encore casino in Everett, Mass. Photo (cc) 2024 by Dan Kennedy.

The Supreme Court on Monday turned down a chance to narrow or even throw out Times v. Sullivan, the 1964 ruling that provides the press with strong protections against libel suits. The court’s action was not entirely surprising, but it was heartening nevertheless.

The would-be challenge came about after former casino mogul Steve Wynn sued The Associated Press, claiming that its reporting on sexual misconduct he had allegedly engaged in during the 1970s was false and defamatory. Because Wynn is a public figure, he would have had to show the AP acted with “actual malice” — that is, that it knew its reporting was false or that it showed “reckless disregard” as to whether it was true or false. Wynn’s lawyers had sought to weaken the actual-malice standard.

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By declining to take up Wynn’s appeal, the Supreme Court indicated that no more than three of the nine justices are ready to revisit Times v. Sullivan, since it takes four justices to agree to hear a case. Clarence Thomas has previously written that he would overturn Sullivan in its entirety, while Neil Gorsuch would like to pare it back. Just recently, Brett Kavanaugh, though, went out of his way to affirm his support for Sullivan.

Since the court did not release a vote tally, we have no way of knowing whether or not Thomas and Gorsuch were joined by a third justice, or even if Thomas and Gorsuch themselves were willing to take the case. Perhaps they thought it was a poor vehicle for advancing their anti-Sullivan agenda. It would be nice to know, but that’s not how the court works.

Times v. Sullivan imposed the actual-malice burden only on public officials. Later rulings extended that to public figures. New York Times reporter David Enrich, in his new book, “Murder the Truth: Fear, the First Amendment, and a Secret Campaign to Protect the Powerful,” warned that the court might be willing to weaken Sullivan. Enrich wrote that “it is not hard to envision the Supreme Court substantially narrowing the scope of who classifies as a public figure or even ruling that the actual malice standard should only apply to government officials.”

Well, not yet, and not now. What will happen if and when a different case comes along is anyone’s guess.

The allegations of sexual misconduct against Wynn were originally reported in 2018 by The Wall Street Journal, which has published an archive of articles. According to the AP, Wynn reached an agreement with Nevada gambling officials in 2023 to exit the casino business and pay a $10 million fine without admitting any wrongdoing.

The Nevada Supreme Court described the AP story that drew Wynn’s ire as “a good-faith effort to inform their readers regarding an issue of clear public interest.”

Despite Trump’s attacks on freedom of the press, the Sullivan decision’s libel protections appear to be safe

Clarence Thomas
Justice Clarence Thomas. Public domain photo via Wikimedia Commons.

Donald Trump may find that there are limits to how far he can go in tearing down the First Amendment’s guarantee of a free press. Adam Liptak reports in The New York Times (gift link) that the U.S. Supreme Court doesn’t seem inclined to revisit the libel protections of New York Times v. Sullivan, writing:

[I]t was notable that just five days before President Trump took office last month, the Supreme Court seemed to go out of its way to signal that it is not ready to embrace one of his most dearly held goals: to “open up our libel laws” and overrule the Sullivan decision.

That signal came in the form of an approving aside in a routine decision by Justice Brett Kavanaugh for Sullivan’s requirement that public officials must offer “clear and convincing evidence” in order to win a libel case — a higher barrier than a “preponderance of the evidence,” that standard that applies in most civil cases.

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The heart of Times v. Sullivan, a unanimous decision handed down in 1964, is that public officials must prove “actual malice” in order to win a libel case. That is, they most show knowing falsehood or “reckless disregard” for the truth. Subsequent decisions extended the Sullivan standard to public figures and narrowed the definition of “reckless disregard.”

The decision was intended to shut down a wave of libel suits brought by racist Southern officials aimed at silencing coverage of the Civil Rights Movement. The Sullivan standard also enabled investigative reporting on matters such as the Watergate scandal, since publishers no longer had to worry that small, inadvertent errors would bring about financial ruin.

Press-freedom advocates have been holding their breath since Justice Clarence Thomas wrote that he would, if given the chance, overturn the Sullivan decision and Justice Neil Gorsuch said he favored severely curtailing it. As I wrote for GBH News in 2021:

What seems impossible today may become reality in the not-too-distant future. Changes to libel protections that we had long taken for granted are starting to look inevitable, especially in the hands of a Supreme Court built by Trump and Mitch McConnell.

But maybe Sullivan is secure, at least for now. “All of this suggests that there remain only two votes to overturn the Sullivan decision,” Liptak writes, “well short of the four it takes to add a case to the court’s docket, much less the five required to prevail on the merits.”

Still, threats remain. Liptak observes that numerous challenges to Sullivan, citing Thomas and Gorsuch, have been filed in the past few years. Just last week, casino mogul Steve Wynn filed an appeal in his ongoing libel suit against The Associated Press and asked that Times v. Sullivan be overturned. Howard Stutz of The Nevada Independent quotes David Orentlicher, a law professor at the University of Nevada at Las Vegas, who says:

This would be a dangerous time to revisit the protection of the free press. Unfortunately, we have an administration that has decided to target the press and others who write critical commentary. There is a blurring of lines between government officials and private persons who have power. This is exactly the wrong time to weaken the protection of the press.

Moreover, none of this does anything to stop deep-pocketed libel defendants such as ABC and possibly CBS from giving in to bogus suits filed by Trump in order to advance their business interests. So far, at least, the Des Moines Register and its parent company, Gannett, are holding firm in the face of Trump’s most ridiculous lawsuit — that they somehow engaged in “consumer fraud” by publishing the results of a poll that turned out to be way off the mark. The pollster, J. Ann Selzer, is being sued as well. Trump has been joined by a right-wing organization called the Center for American Rights, as Robin Opsahl reports for the Iowa Capital Dispatch.

Perhaps a signal from the Supreme Court that the protections of Times v. Sullivan remain secure will serve to stiffen the backbone of news organizations and their parent companies. If they’re not willing to fight for press freedoms that they already have, then the Sullivan decision is worth very little.

Let’s end the state’s casino gambling disaster right now

Steve Wynn. 2008 photo via Wikipedia.

There is nothing surprising about the serious charges of sexual abuse that have been reported about Steve Wynn by The Wall Street Journal. Wynn has denied the allegations. But this is what you get with casino culture. This is what you get with an activity that is accompanied by increases in crime, divorce, even suicide.

I’m glad that state gambling officials are looking into whether Wynn should continue to hold the license for the casino that’s being built in Everett. But Gov. Charlie Baker and the Legislature should go much, much further. The legalization of casino gambling pushed by Baker’s predecessor, Deval Patrick, was one of the worst decisions ever made in this state. It should be undone. The Everett property should be put to a better and higher use. Why not make it part of the region’s bid for Amazon’s second headquarters? How about the facility that Apple wants to build?

Unfortunately, we know what’s going to happen. Maybe the license will be transferred to Sheldon Adelson or another casino executive. Maybe even that won’t happen — Wynn could “retire” from his company and life would go on as usual. It’s a shame. Ultimately the casino business will do for Greater Boston what it did for Atlantic City, laid low through the machinations of yet another sleazy casino operator, Donald Trump. And we’ll all be wondering what our state’s leaders were thinking.

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A wicked smart idea to fund public transportation

640px-MBTA_Green_Line_B
2006 photo (cc) by Adam E. Moreira.

The Boston Globe’s Tim Logan has an important story today about an emerging new paradigm for funding public transportation: charging a fee to property owners who will benefit from it.

It’s already working in some areas, Logan reports. Columnist Shirley Leung notes that Steve Wynn is paying a substantial subsidy to improve Orange Line access to his proposed Everett casino (which I still hope will never get off the ground, but that’s another matter).

My wicked smart Facebook community has already been talking about using such fees to pay for the $1 billion extra that it’s going to cost to build the Green Line Extension into Somerville and Medford. It sounds to me like a great idea, especially since — as state Secretary of Transportation Stephanie Pollack tells Logan — developers are already assessed fees for road improvements. I’d rather see them pay for a new MBTA station than a new interchange.

As always, we need to avoid unintended consequences. There’s already a danger that small, independent businesses will be forced out as property values soar. Perhaps they could be exempt from whatever fee structure the state ultimately decides to adopt.