Fun with the First Amendment: Why Sarah Palin’s lawyers are happy, and why Deborah Lipstadt isn’t

Sarah Palin. Photo (cc) 2021 by Gage Skidmore.

Two quick observations about First Amendment law before I get back to grading.

First, I suspect that lawyers for Sarah Palin are perfectly happy to have lost their libel suit against The New York Times, and that they would have been equally happy if they had won. What they wanted was a clean verdict — not another muddle that might have resulted in yet a third trial.

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Now the case can start making its way toward a possible Supreme Court appeal, where Palin’s lawyers can argue that the “actual malice” standard of Times v. Sullivan (1964) should be overturned or substantially weakened. The standard holds that public officials must prove knowing falsehood or reckless disregard for the truth, a standard that was later extended to public figures.

As New York Times reporter David Enrich makes clear in his new book, “Murder the Truth,” Palin’s attorneys are part of a cabal of right-wing lawyers who have taken aim at the Sullivan standard — never mind that it serves to protect the conservative media just as much as it does the mainstream press.

Fortunately, the court indicated recently that there may be no more than three justices, and possibly just two, who are inclined to revisit Sullivan. Still, every time you open up a path to weakening the First Amendment, you need to hold your breath.

Second, if you haven’t read this train wreck of an interview with Holocaust scholar Deborah Lipstadt, I recommend it. Isaac Chotiner of The New Yorker spoke with Lipstadt after her recent comments that she at least partly supports Donald Trump’s attempts to deport international students who’ve expressed sympathy for the Palestinian cause, including Mahmoud Khalil of Columbia University and Rümeysa Öztürk of Tufts University.

I just want to pick up on one exchange:

Chotiner: There were some really terrible instances of antisemitism after the war in Gaza began, but now we are actually in a political environment where an American President is using antisemitism as an excuse to literally pick people up off the street for writing op-eds.

Lipstadt: Freedom of speech is freedom of speech. And I’m a stalwart supporter of freedom of speech. In other countries where they’ve outlawed Holocaust denial, I’ve spoken out against that. Freedom of speech is freedom of speech. Incitement is something else. I’m not a lawyer, and I’m not going to get into what that is.

Now, I’m not a lawyer, either, but I do teach First Amendment law to undergraduates. And the great thing about the Supreme Court is that it often writes with stunning clarity. Incitement is defined in Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969) in a way that anyone can understand it, ruling that speech was protected even in the case of a Ku Klux Klan leader who stood up in front of a crowd and demanded “revengeance” against Black people and Jews. The reason was that he was not inciting the crowd to commit violence right there and then. Here’s how the court put it:

[T]he constitutional guarantees of free speech and free press do not permit a State to forbid or proscribe advocacy of the use of force or of law violation except where such advocacy is directed to inciting or producing imminent lawless action and is likely to incite or produce such action.

Thus the court reached the end of a journey that began with Schenck v. United States (1919), in which Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. ruled that speech may not be banned unless it presented a “clear and present danger.”

Unfortunately for Charles Schenck, the court decided that his anti-draft advocacy during World War I did indeed constitute such a danger, so it was off to prison for him. But the Schenck decision was an improvement over what had come before, and it paved the way for stronger protections in the years to come, culminating with Brandenburg.

As for Lipstadt, she claims to be unqualified to comment on something that every high school graduate ought to know. Then again, she may not have realized she was violating two important rules: (1) Never agree to an interview with Isaac Chotiner unless you’re thoroughly prepared; (2) never agree to an interview with Isaac Chotiner.

Exhale: The Supreme Court turns down a chance to narrow or kill Times v. Sullivan

Wynn’s Encore casino in Everett, Mass. Photo (cc) 2024 by Dan Kennedy.

The Supreme Court on Monday turned down a chance to narrow or even throw out Times v. Sullivan, the 1964 ruling that provides the press with strong protections against libel suits. The court’s action was not entirely surprising, but it was heartening nevertheless.

The would-be challenge came about after former casino mogul Steve Wynn sued The Associated Press, claiming that its reporting on sexual misconduct he had allegedly engaged in during the 1970s was false and defamatory. Because Wynn is a public figure, he would have had to show the AP acted with “actual malice” — that is, that it knew its reporting was false or that it showed “reckless disregard” as to whether it was true or false. Wynn’s lawyers had sought to weaken the actual-malice standard.

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By declining to take up Wynn’s appeal, the Supreme Court indicated that no more than three of the nine justices are ready to revisit Times v. Sullivan, since it takes four justices to agree to hear a case. Clarence Thomas has previously written that he would overturn Sullivan in its entirety, while Neil Gorsuch would like to pare it back. Just recently, Brett Kavanaugh, though, went out of his way to affirm his support for Sullivan.

Since the court did not release a vote tally, we have no way of knowing whether or not Thomas and Gorsuch were joined by a third justice, or even if Thomas and Gorsuch themselves were willing to take the case. Perhaps they thought it was a poor vehicle for advancing their anti-Sullivan agenda. It would be nice to know, but that’s not how the court works.

Times v. Sullivan imposed the actual-malice burden only on public officials. Later rulings extended that to public figures. New York Times reporter David Enrich, in his new book, “Murder the Truth: Fear, the First Amendment, and a Secret Campaign to Protect the Powerful,” warned that the court might be willing to weaken Sullivan. Enrich wrote that “it is not hard to envision the Supreme Court substantially narrowing the scope of who classifies as a public figure or even ruling that the actual malice standard should only apply to government officials.”

Well, not yet, and not now. What will happen if and when a different case comes along is anyone’s guess.

The allegations of sexual misconduct against Wynn were originally reported in 2018 by The Wall Street Journal, which has published an archive of articles. According to the AP, Wynn reached an agreement with Nevada gambling officials in 2023 to exit the casino business and pay a $10 million fine without admitting any wrongdoing.

The Nevada Supreme Court described the AP story that drew Wynn’s ire as “a good-faith effort to inform their readers regarding an issue of clear public interest.”

A libel verdict against Greenpeace may destroy the organization — and weaken the First Amendment

Standing Rock protest in St. Paul, Minn. Photo (cc) 2016 by Fibonacci Blue.

Earlier this week, a North Dakota jury delivered a verdict on behalf of a large energy company that may destroy the environmental organization Greenpeace — and that could inflict significant damage on the First Amendment as well.

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According to reporters Jeff Brady and Alejandra Borunda of NPR, the jury ruled in favor of Energy Transfer, which built the Dakota Access oil pipeline, and which accused Greenpeace in a civil suit of libel, trespassing and other offenses. The jury awarded Energy Transfer $660 million, which Greenpeace officials have said could force the organization to cease operations.

Continue reading “A libel verdict against Greenpeace may destroy the organization — and weaken the First Amendment”

Powerful forces want to dismantle libel protections. These three books explain why it matters.

The U.S. Supreme Court. Photo (cc) 2020 by APK.

When the Supreme Court ruled in 1964 that news organizations need no longer fear ruinous libel judgments over small, inadvertent errors, it sparked an explosion of investigative reporting. A direct line connects the court’s decision in New York Times v. Sullivan — inevitably described as a “landmark” — and journalism that exposes government secrecy and corruption at the national, state and local levels.

Under Times v. Sullivan, a public official who sues for libel must show that a defamatory statement was made with “actual malice,” a term of art that means the statement was published “with knowledge of its falsity or with reckless disregard of whether it was true or false.” Later rulings extended actual malice to public figures.

But though Times v. Sullivan freed the press to uncover government lying in the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal, the backlash began almost immediately. That backlash is the subject of a new book by New York Times reporter David Enrich called “Murder the Truth: Fear, the First Amendment, and a Secret Campaign to Protect the Powerful.”

“Murder the Truth” also prompts a look back at two earlier books that examine the historical and legal significance of the Sullivan decision — “Actual Malice: Civil Rights and Freedom of the Press in New York Times v. Sullivan” (2023), by Samantha Barbas, and “Make No Law: The Sullivan Case and the First Amendment” (1991), by Anthony Lewis. It is Enrich’s book, though, that speaks to the urgency of this calamitous moment, as well as the fate of the free press during President Donald Trump’s second term.

Read the rest at Poynter Online.