By Dan Kennedy • The press, politics, technology, culture and other passions

Month: January 2007

The “Romenesko of citizen journalism”

One of the more interesting experiments in citizen journalism had its official unveiling this week. Placeblogger, a site put together by Watertown blogger Lisa Williams, is an attempt to link to every local blog in the world, and to make some sense of this growing phenomenon.

What’s a placeblog? It’s a term coined by Williams to describe a Web site that covers a community. A leading example would be her own site, H2otown, which is devoted to all things Watertown. (I profiled Williams and H2otown for CommonWealth Magazine a year ago.)

Placeblogger, a joint project of Dan Gillmor’s Center for Citizen Media and Jay Rosen’s PressThink, is a site that offers a directory of every placeblog Williams can find (she thinks there may be as many as 1,000), as well as her own efforts to make order out of chaos. Williams has said her goal is to establish Placeblogger as the “Romenesko of citizen journalism.”

In addition to being able to search for a placeblog near you, you can check out her top 10. New Jersey’s Baristanet, logically enough, leads the list; but anyone other than Williams would have included H2otown somewhere. The left rail is given over to “Placeblogger Journal” — currently a roundup of placeblogs in the New Orleans area — and “Placeblogger Headlines,” an automated feed of the good, the bad and the ridiculous.

The middle of the screen features a blog by Williams, which right now is fronting a commentary on Kearny on the Web, a placeblog in Kearny, N.J., that posted a video of a local teacher caught denying evolution and damning his non-Christian students to hell. The right rail has tools that let you find — or add — a placeblog.

“There are really way more of these than anyone knows,” Williams said at the Center for Citizen Media’s “unconference” at Harvard last August, where the Placeblogger project was first announced.

Are placebloggers journalists? Well, yes and no. And, of course, it depends on the blog. Williams defines a placeblog as being “about the lived experience of a place.” The blog may “commit random acts of jouranlism,” she adds, but it’s not a newspaper — not even an electronic version of a newspaper.

In November, at the unveiling of the beta site at Harvard Law’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society, Williams described Placeblogger as “one-stop shopping for what citizen journalism really looks like — kiss stale arguments and useless theorizing goodbye.”

Among her more intriguing ideas is to develop a standard method of “geotagging” so that it will be easier to find placeblogs. There could be a placeblog right in your city or town, but if you don’t already know about it, you could have a hard time finding it. Geotagging, in Williams’ view, could help placebloggers sell advertising as well.

Williams’ take on placeblogs sometimes seems overly modest — she is a self-described newspaper junkie, and she’s always careful to point out that she doesn’t want to see placeblogs replace newspapers.

Yet occasionally her larger hopes shine through. Last semester she spoke to my Journalism of the Web students, and talked about placeblogging as an entrepreneurial opportunity for young journalists. Why not? When I was a recent J-school graduate, friends and I talked about several ideas for launching community papers. We didn’t do so mainly because it was too expensive.

By contrast, you can launch a placeblog virtually for free, with the hope that, eventually, you can sell enough advertising to make a living. I would think that an aggressive young journalist who knows how to write, and can post photos, video and sound, could give her chain-owned community weekly fits. And there’s no need to settle for just “random acts of journalism,” either.

Placeblogger is a fascinating project, and well worth keeping a close eye on.

Photo: Lisa Williams announces the Placeblogger project at the Center for Citizen Media “unconference” last August. Photo by Steve Garfield; reproduced under a Creative Commons license.

Finneran takes the hit

Frank Phillips and Shelley Murphy report in today’s Boston Globe that former Massachusetts House Speaker Tom Finneran will plead guilty to obstruction of justice in a legislative-redistricting case. In return, Finneran will not go to prison and will not face federal perjury charges.

The charges have always struck me as faintly ridiculous. As Harvey Silverglate pointed out in this piece in the Boston Phoenix a year and a half ago, U.S. Attorney Michael Sullivan would have had a difficult time proving that Finneran did anything other than parse his words a little too cutely when he testified in the redistricting case. There was also no reason to think that whatever obfuscation Finneran engaged in was “material” to the outcome — key to proving perjury. In a remarkably prescient passage, Silverglate wrote:

Given the merits of his case, Sullivan is unlikely to prevail unless he pressures Finneran into accepting a plea bargain. Sullivan has many weapons at his disposal for applying such pressure, not the least of which is his power to recommend that if Finneran pleads guilty, the judge refrain from imposing a prison term. But Sullivan’s power to indict (it is rightly said that a federal prosecutor can get a grand jury to indict a ham sandwich) and to pressure Finneran into a plea bargain is not the standard by which a federal prosecutor is supposed to decide whether to charge a citizen.

Silverglate closed that observation with this: “Besides, the former Speaker’s legendary toughness might well thwart any effort to pressure him into pleading guilty.” Sometimes, though, even a tough guy knows when to take the deal that’s offered him — regardless of whether he’s actually guilty.

Jeff Jacoby responds

Jeff Jacoby has taken the Media Nation challenge. On Dec. 24 I asked him to respond to some questions I had over a column he wrote that plays down global warming. Here is his answer, with my original questions to him in bold.

To: Dan Kennedy
From: Jeff Jacoby
Date: January 2, 2007

Thanks for reading my recent column on global warming alarmism. Here are my replies to the challenge you posted at Media Nation.

1. You make much of the fact that scientific predictions about the climate have changed considerably over time. For instance, you note that climatologist Reid Bryson, in the mid-1970s, predicted catastrophic global cooling.

Question: Do you believe science, and our ability to measure climate change, have advanced over the past 32 years? And if you do, don’t think you anything a scientist wrote in 1974 is utterly irrelevant?

Let me turn your question around: Do you really believe that it is never significant when scientists — unlike, say, politicians and journalists — say and do things that sharply contradict their previous statements and claims? It is true, as the mutual-fund disclaimers put it, that past performance is no guarantee of future results. But are they really “utterly irrelevant”? Surely the accuracy of yesterday’s predictions is one indicator of whether today’s new-and-improved prognostications ought to be taken seriously.

I am not a climate scientist, and can’t speak with expertise about the change in climate metrics since 1974. (More on that in a moment.) I agree that as a general rule, scientific understanding tends to advance over time. That doesn’t mean that it advances in every field, and it doesn’t meant that it advances at a uniform rate.

In any case, I didn’t quote Bryson’s alarmist 1974 warnings of the coming global freeze to disprove claims of global warming today; I quoted it to illustrate my point that while conventional wisdom undergoes 180-degree shifts, the gloom-and-doom fear-mongering never seems to change. The science may be more sophisticated now, but the Chicken Little squawking is exactly the same.

For an answer to the specific question of improvements in climate science since the 1970s, I turned to Richard Lindzen, the Sloan Professor of Atmospheric Science at MIT and a lead author of the Working Group I assessment report of the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), which focused on the science of climate change. He writes:

Actually, there has been almost no progress on crucial matters like climate sensitivity since the 1970s. The range of model results has not changed since Jule Charney’s report for the National Academy of Sciences in 1979. To be sure, the latest version of the IPCC Assessment does cut back the high end, but there is still no basis for relying on the range supplied by current models. The sensitivity of those models depends critically on the impact of the main greenhouse substances, water vapor and clouds. Models can’t account for these directly because they can’t resolve the effect clouds have on climate, and so modelers are forced to rely on formulas that date back to the 1970s.

Moreover, 30 years ago scientists were beginning to realize that major climate changes were characterized more by changes in the temperature difference between the poles and the tropics rather than by changes in the global mean temperature. With the current focus on global mean temperature and on a single global forcing term, it could be argued that the science of climate has actually regressed. As climate scientists in government agencies can tell you, financial support for climate research depends on heightened concern over global warming. This has undoubtedly discouraged attempts to actually understand climate.

Observation is an issue, too. The number of surface observation stations has decreased substantially over the past three decades. Of course, there are now satellite observations of atmospheric (rather than surface) temperatures. But these continue to show less warming than is found at the surface, even though greenhouse theory and the models say we should find more warming in the atmosphere.

These aren’t the only weaknesses in calculating climate sensitivity. For example, the models generate different (and frequently opposite) results for regional climate change. But these should be enough to demonstrate that progress since the 1970s has been pathetic at best.

2. Two words never appear in your column: “carbon dioxide.” Yet according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, the level of atmospheric CO2 has risen from 280 parts per million to 370 parts per million since the start of the Industrial Revolution. “The concentration of CO2 in our atmosphere today, has not been exceeded in the last 420,000 years, and likely not in the last 20 million years,” according to the agency’s Web site.

Question: What evidence can you state for your apparent belief that rising CO2 levels have no effect on the climate?

I make no claim in my column about rising carbon dioxide levels, so I’m not sure how you detect my “apparent belief” that CO2 doesn’t affect climate. I am skeptical of the claim that the impact of human-generated CO2 on the planet’s climate can be determined with precision. And I am aware, as I hope you are, that global temperatures have varied over the centuries. A thousand years ago, the Northern Hemisphere was in the middle of the Medieval Warm Period, when temperatures then were high enough that the Vikings could cultivate Greenland — which today is covered with ice. By 1500, the climate pendulum had swung the other way. The next few centuries were so cold that historians call them the Little Ice Age. Oranges stopped growing in China. Glaciers engulfed French villages. Now in the 20th century, the world has started warming up again. In short, climate changes — and there appears to be more to the story than anthropogenic CO2 emissions alone.

Again, from Professor Lindzen:

No one claims that rising levels of carbon dioxide have no effect on climate. In fact, we understand the forcing of climate that arises from CO2 pretty well.

The normal heat balance of the Earth consists in about 200 Watts per square meter (W/m2) coming in as visible light and about 200 W/m2 going out in the form of infrared radiation. Doubling CO2 should produce a 3.5 W/m2 reduction of the latter — a perturbation of just under 2%. That in turn leads to warming of about 1 degree Celsius if everything else remains the same. The more alarming climate claims are based on the belief that water vapor and clouds amplify the warming caused by carbon dioxide. But their impact is not well understood — and may actually be the opposite of what the models assume.

It is also well known that the temperature effect of atmospheric carbon dioxide is logarithmic, not linear. That is, each added unit of CO2 causes less warming than its predecessor. It turns out that the current perturbation to the greenhouse forcing amounts to about 2.5 W/m2 (1.5 from CO2, 0.5 from methane, and the rest from N2O and fluorocarbons). According to the models, we should already have seen much more warming than we have. In order to match observations of global mean surface temperature, models have to cancel more than two-thirds of the greenhouse forcing. Many modelers claim the cancellation is due to aerosols. But scientists who specialize in aerosols maintain that their effect is essentially unknown. Thus, the cancellation is nothing more than an arbitrary adjustment.

A simpler, and more likely, reason for model overestimates is that the model feedbacks are incorrect, and the models are exaggerating the impact of the small CO2 forcing. Twenty years’ worth of satellite observations support this conclusion.

3. Most serious people who’ve looked at global warming believe we need to undertake technological steps ranging from developing renewable energy sources such as solar and wind to building a safer generation of nuclear power plants. That was certainly one of the messages Al Gore puts forth in his film “An Inconvenient Truth.” In other words, though there may be a few alternative-lifestyle types who believe global warming can only be reversed by living like the Amish, most of us want to innovate our way out of this mess — a very American approach, I might add.

Question: How did global warming become part of the culture war? And why on earth have conservatives like you adopted the denial of global warming as a pet cause?

Global warming became part of the culture war when it became another topic on which the left decided to stifle free speech and demonize dissenters.

I don’t speak for other conservatives, but global warming seems to me to be the latest weapon in the arsenal of environmental ideologues who warn that the earth and humankind are doomed unless we adopt sweeping policies that will radically change the way we live, generally by reducing freedom, limiting choices, and aggrandizing government. The particular threat they invoke changes over time — pesticides, overpopulation, resource depletion, nuclear winter, global warming — but the we-are-doomed-unless-you-do-what-I-say hysteria remains constant. In Al Gore’s words, “We must make the rescue of the environment the central organizing principle for civilization.”

Human beings were able to adapt and innovate their way from the Medieval Warming Period to the Little Ice Age and out again. They will probably be able to handle the global temperature increase of a degree or two that may be coming over the next few decades. And they will be able to do it more intelligently and successfully if they don’t shut down debate, discussion, and dissent — or let a Global Warming Czar tell them that the only way to make the world better is to make do with less energy and a lower standard of living.

Last words from Professor Lindzen:

The earth is always warming or cooling a bit. The latest fluctuation can be measured in tenths of a degree. Over the past century, the earth has probably warmed about half a degree Celsius (according to NOAA’s Climate Data Center) or as much as 0.7 degrees (according to other research centers). A jump in temperature was recorded between the late 1970s and the mid-1980s — but that may have been related to the closing of more than 1,000 observation stations in the former USSR during the same period.

The scientific issue is not whether there is warming or not. It is whether the level of warming is unusual, whether the analysis of the data (as well as the data itself) are adequate for the small changes being studied, and whether the change in global temperature is significantly related to increasing CO2. The interesting political question is not about “denial” on the right. Rather, it is this: Why does the left get so excited by what seems to be a natural phenomenon?

Media Nation responds: In the spirit of my invitation to Jacoby, I’m not going to attempt any sort of detailed response. I asked questions, he answered them, and there you have it. But I do find it interesting that he sought out Lindzen for back-up.

I will not engage in the sort of attacks against Lindzen that have become popular among some of his critics. I assume he received consulting money from oil companies in years past because of his views, not the other way around.

But I will say this: Lindzen is one of a very, very few qualified scientists who do not believe that human-caused global warming is a serious danger. Nearly all the evidence is stacked against Lindzen — and Jacoby.

Maybe 50 years from now we’ll learn that Lindzen was right and everyone else was wrong. But on what basis should we act today? That is the issue.

What about health care?

Not to buy into the savvy-bloggers-versus-clueless-MSM trope. But it does appear that the mainstream media might have missed one of the most significant aspects of yesterday’s vote by the Legislature to advance the anti-gay-marriage constitutional amendment. By their omission, the media may have helped create the false impression that legislators were acting on principle rather than expediency.

Both the Globe and the Herald today cite last week’s Supreme Judicial Court ruling that legislators must vote up or down on citizen initiatives as the main reason that the amendment was not killed through a parliamentary maneuver, as has happened on several occasions in the past.

In the Globe, Frank Phillips and Lisa Wangsness write:

[T]he vote marked a dramatic shift in fortune for social conservatives and Governor Mitt Romney, who just weeks ago had little hope the petition would move forward. Both they and same-sex marriage advocates said the Supreme Judicial Court’s ruling was the major factor that shifted the political ground in favor of the proposed amendment.

In the Herald, Casey Ross puts it this way:

[State Sen. Richard] Tisei and other observers said [Gov.-elect Deval] Patrick, who called a press conference to explain his opposition in the morning, did not seem to understand the impact of a Supreme Judicial Court ruling last week that unambiguously stated that lawmakers had to take an up-or-down vote.

WBZ-TV (Channel 4) political analyst Jon Keller writes this on his blog:

[T]he SJC’s ruling that legislators were obligated to vote today was cited by everyone involved in the con-con, from [Massachusetts Gay and Lesbian Political Caucus co-chair] Arline Isaacson to Trav [that would be Senate President Robert Travaglini] to Mitt Romney, as a key factor in what occurred. The same SJC that infuriated so many with the gay-marriage ruling has now restored its legitimacy in the minds of all but the most obtuse.

So there you have it — reluctant legislators obey the court and uphold their oath of office by voting to advance an amendment that only 31 percent of them support. Let’s give them a hand.

But wait — wasn’t there another constitutional amendment the legislators were supposed to vote on yesterday? Uh, the answer to that would be “yes.” A citizen initiative to amend the state constitution by guaranteeing everyone health care (Media Nation is not clear on the details) was supposed to be voted on yesterday, just like the anti-gay-marriage amendment. And guess what? It wasn’t. I can find virtually no mention of this in today’s coverage — but several bloggers picked up on it immediately.

Most prominent was Blue Mass Group, which has taken a pounding from its liberal readers for insisting that the Legislature vote on all constitutional amendments, including the gay-marriage ban. Last evening, Blue Mass Group blogger David Kravitz, coming off as sadder but wiser, wrote:

The results are in: the legislature took a vote on the merits of the anti-marriage amendment, and advanced it to the 2007-08 session, but did not do so on the health care amendment, so it died on the vine. So they have — no question — violated their oaths of office. And they’ve made those of us who asked them to follow the law on the marriage amendment, even though we suspected the results would be disappointing, look pretty silly. Thanks guys.

The Outraged Liberal, who had urged the Legislature to engage in “civil disobedience” by refusing to vote on the anti-marriage amendment, opined last night:

Process liberals may have also learned a very hard lesson — particularly with the Legislature’s refusal to vote on the health care amendment. Next time there may be a better understanding that principle of the question is more important than the principle of the process.

Universal Hub wraps up blogger comment this morning — again, acknowledging the hypocrisy of the Legislature for upholding the constitution by voting on gay marriage but then thumbing its nose on health care.

The sole mainstream-media reference to the health-care amendment I could find this morning in my admittedly less-than-comprehensive search was in this story, by David Kibbe of Ottaway News Service. His lengthy account of the gay-marriage debate ends with this:

In other action yesterday, the Legislature bottled up a proposed ballot question for universal health care by sending it a committee. Opponents of the question said it would hamper the state’s efforts to establish a landmark health care law to greatly expand health coverage. But those who backed it said it would help the state achieve its goal.

That seems pretty straightforward, doesn’t it? The legislative session expired yesterday, so the health-care amendment can no longer be considered for the 2008 ballot. Thus it would appear that the Legislature explicitly ignored the SJC’s vote-or-else decree, making a mockery of the supposed respect for the process it demonstrated by advancing the anti-marriage amendment.

The media’s failure to point out this prime example of constitutional hypocrisy seems so mind-boggling that I keep thinking I must be missing something; that for some technical reason perhaps the Legislature was not obligated to vote on health care. If I’m wrong, let me know — not that you need to be told.

Update: Laura Kiritsy of Bay Windows gets it right. Kiritsy also reports that legislators went ahead and voted despite a legal opinion from the Senate counsel that they didn’t have to.

Update II: Good editorial in the MetroWest Daily News.

Of scoundrels and patriotism

Just yesterday Media Nation noted, in a link, that the quote “Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel” should be attributed to Samuel Johnson. Today the Weekly Dig gives the credit to H.L. Mencken.

What gives? Here’s what. According to Bartleby.com, Mencken appended Johnson’s dictum with this: “But there is something even worse: it is the first, last, and middle range of fools.”

And so it ends

The Legislature has approved the same-sex-marriage ban without even doing it on principle: It voted to advance the anti-gay-marriage amendment to the next session while killing a health-care amendment on procedural grounds, in open defiance of the Supreme Judicial Court.

David Kravitz of Blue Mass Group, who’s pro-gay marriage but who favored a vote on good-government grounds, sounds like he might have learned something today. We’ll see.

Further thoughts on Article 48

With the Legislature scheduled today, once again, to vote on a proposed constitutional amendment that would outlaw same-sex marriage, I want to develop a bit more fully an argument I offered over the weekend in the comments section.

Legislators face a difficult dilemma. Under the terms of Article 48 of the Massachusetts Constitution, they must vote on a citizen petition that would ban gay marriage. Just 50 of the 200 legislators — 25 percent — need to vote “yes” for the amendment to move on to the next session of the Legislature. If it gets 25 percent again, the amendment would go on the 2008 ballot, and would become part of the constitution if it received a simple majority.

The trouble is that though most legislators oppose the anti-marriage amendment, enough support it that the 25 percent hurdle can be easily met. That’s why the Legislature voted to go into recess rather than hold a vote back in November. But using such parliamentary tactics became more difficult last week when the Supreme Judicial Court ruled that the Legislature must hold an up-or-down vote on the merits of the amendment itself, even though the court acknowledged there is no way to enforce its ruling.

The court’s decision naturally provided a boost to the anti-marriage crowd. But it also bolstered the position of process liberals like the bloggers at Blue Mass Group, who believe the right thing to do is for legislators simply to vote down the amendment, thereby preventing its appearance on the 2008 ballot. A nice thought, but, as Arline Isaacson, co-chair of the Massachusetts Gay and Lesbian Political Caucus, tells the Boston Globe, there’s no way the pro-marriage majority can muster the 75 percent it would need to defeat the amendment.

Bay Windows editor Susan Ryan-Vollmar, writing for Media Nation, and the Outraged Liberal, in a post on his own blog, have called for the Legislature to defeat the amendment by any means necessary — that is, to defy the Supreme Judicial Court and kill the marriage ban by staying home or by voting for another recess. I agree. And though I don’t expect to change anyone’s mind, I hope that by the time you finish reading this, you’ll at least have a better understanding of what the real issues are.

I’m not a fan of argument by analogy. Often, it’s the next-to-last refuge of a scoundrel. (Here is the last.) But in this case I think it may be useful to offer a comparison to slavery.

Let’s say a group of citizens began a petition drive to enslave all Massachusetts residents of African ancestry. Let’s say they got more than enough signatures to place the matter before the Legislature. Now, many analogies fall apart for lack of logic, but I think this holds up pretty well. As with the anti-gay-marriage amendment, a slavery amendment would subject the rights of a minority group to the whims of the majority, and take away existing rights. And the analogy also works because the whole point of a constitutional amendment is that it can literally be about anything.

Now, it’s true that the Massachusetts Constitution does not allow citizen-initiated amendments about certain matters. (Read this and ask yourself how the anti-marriage measure passed muster, given that it would essentially overturn the SJC’s Goodridge decision, which legalized same-sex marriage.) And it’s also true that a state amendment to bring back slavery would be overruled because it conflicts with the U.S. Constitution.

But the principle holds. In fact, it would be perfectly legal to amend the U.S. Constitution to reinstate slavery. No, my analogy isn’t perfect, but it’s not bad. So bear with me and assume, for the sake of this exercise, that a slavery amendment can be properly put before the Legislature, and that 55 or 60 legislators — more than 25 percent — have already announced their intention to vote in favor.

What should a good, decent anti-slavery legislator do? Should he insist on a floor vote, in accordance with Article 48, and hope against hope that the amendment would fail to get 25 percent? Or should he do anything he could to kill the amendment, even if it means defying the Supreme Judicial Court and thus violating the Massachusetts Constitution?

I would suggest that every responsible member of the Legislature would take whatever action was necessary to kill such an amendment, and not worry about the niceties of Article 48. And I would hope that Blue Mass Group, Boston Globe columnist Scot Lehigh and other process liberals would applaud.

Now, if you think my analogy makes any sense, then you must conclude that the reason legislative defiance seems unwarranted in the case of the anti-gay-marriage amendment is that we do not take gay and lesbian equality as seriously as we do the rights of African-Americans. Thus, the matter before the Legislature today comes down to a moral judgment — i.e., which group we think is more deserving of our outraged indignation.

Two other matters:

First, several Media Nation commenters claim that referring to legislative defiance as “civil disobedience” bestows a grandeur that is undeserved, since there are no consequences anyone must pay for his or her refusal to vote. In fact, as the SJC pointed out, legislators can be voted out of office if their constituents don’t like what they’ve done. The fact that this rarely happens doesn’t mean it’s not a possibility. That’s how we hold people accountable in a representative democracy. We received a lesson in that recently, as the death of former president Gerald Ford occasioned a re-examination of his pardon of Richard Nixon, which almost surely cost Ford the election in 1976.

Second, as Lehigh, Globe columnist Jeff Jacoby and others have correctly pointed out, the Legislature’s refusal to act on the anti-marriage amendment (and many other amendments over the years) amounts to a de facto repeal of Article 48. I suggest that the way to fix this is (yes) through a constitutional amendment. There is a deep flaw in a constitutional provision that forces the Legislature to act against a majority of its members’ wishes and to suspend its own rules and procedures — such as the right of any member to file a motion to go into recess.

The 25 percent minimum should be eliminated and replaced with a simple majority requirement. That way, everyone would know the rules. And citizens would have a meaningful right to amend the constitution.

Update: Bay Windows is blogging the constitutional convention here.

Just, but smart?

Saddam Hussein deserved what he got. But wouldn’t it have been better if his execution hadn’t looked like just another chapter in the sectarian violence between Shiites and Sunnis? This account, by John Burns and Marc Santora of the New York Times, describes Saddam’s hanging as the moral equivalent of a roadside bombing.

Update: Here is the video of the actual hanging. (Via Little Green Footballs, whose proprietor, Charles Johnson, pretends to think there’s a functional difference between posting the video and posting a link to the video. His acolytes share his phony outrage.)

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